Explain several of the conventional aspects that have assisted the domestic violence revolution?
2
Please re-phrase the whole paper
1. Explain several of the conventional aspects that have assisted the domestic violence revolution?
By most conventional standards, the domestic violence revolution has been an unqualified success. This is true whether we look at the amount of public money directed at the problem, the degree to which politicians across a broad spectrum have embraced its core imagery of male violence and female victimization, the vast knowledge base that has accumulated about abuse, or the degree to which law and criminal justice (and, to a lesser extent, health and child welfare) have moved the heretofore low-status crime of domestic violence to the top of their agenda. Indeed, it would be hard to find another criminal activity in these last decades that has commanded anything like the resources or manpower that have flowed to law enforcement on behalf of abuse victims. Please add some external research into this paragraph. 2. Discuss how gender-neutral approaches to intimate partner violence explain the seemingly disparate levels of IPV between males and females.
The majority of researchers believe that female-initiated violence poses less of a problem to society than male-on-female violence. As discussed, their rates of violence are somewhat lower, and when violence is used by women it is often instrumental rather than for purposes of control. Furthermore, they unequivocally account for far less severe injuries to their victims than heterosexual men. Therefore, although our legal system supports a definition of intimate partner violence that is gender neutral, women are clearly at a disproportionate amount of risk for serious victimization. Their risks for intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and stalking simply are greater than for men. They also are at greater risk for multiple types of victimization as well as for recurrent violent victimization within relationships. Belknap and Melton believed that “common couple violence” as reported by gender-neutral theorists is only occasionally correct. They will acknowledge that in some cases, each family member may use occasional outbursts of abuse, but this phenomenon is qualitatively different from patriarchal terrorism, in which a man uses much more serious violence to maintain control. Therefore, what they consider problematic behavior is limited to cases of patriarchal terrorism rather than to use of violence in general.
3. Discuss the medical and mental health impact of domestic violence on victims.
Battered women have an overall rate of physical health problems that is 60% higher than the rate for non-abused women (Campbell, 2002). Between 14% and 20% of these general medical problems are clearly related to assault or prior injury. These presentations include headaches from head trauma; dysphagia from being strangled; traumatic brain injury; joint, abdominal, or breast pain from assaults; and a range of problems linked to sexual assault. In comparison with non-abused women, meanwhile, abused women have a 50% to 70% increase in gynecological problems (such as STDs or urinary tract infections), central nervous system problems such as headaches or fainting, problems related to chronic stress (such as appetite loss), and viral infections (such as flu) as well as of HIV (Campbell et al., 2002).
The association between partner abuse and increased risk for HIV has been identified in multiple studies here and abroad (Coker, 2007; Wu, El-Bassel, Witte, Gilbert, & Chang, 2003). Women in abusive relationships are more than three times as likely to have HIV infection as women who are not suffering abuse (Sareen, Pagura, & Grant, 2009). In addition, 55.3% of American women with HIV/AIDS are abused, more than twice the national rate (Coker, 2007). Women with HIV who report recent trauma are more than four times more likely to fail their HIV treatment and almost four times more likely to engage in risky sexual behavior (Machtinger, Haberer, Wilson, & Weiss, 2012). As a consequence, effectively addressing trauma in STD/HIV/AIDS treatment has the potential to enhance both recruitment and retention of battered women.
Battered women also seek help for a range of medical problems that reflect the chronic stress associated with ongoing abuse rather than the acute effects of abuse itself. These include functional gastrointestinal disorders, digestive problems, nutritional deficiencies, or central nervous system disorders. Up to 53% of female patients visiting pain clinics report physical or sexual abuse. Although many of these visits are clearly related to past and current injuries, battered women also are twice as likely as non-abused women to report chronic pain unrelated to injury, or “spontaneous” pain (Haber & Roos, 1985). They are also at greater risk for viral infections such as colds or flu (Campbell et al., 2002). Not surprisingly, battered women are far more likely than non-abused women to rate their general health as fair or poor (Kramer, Lorenzon, & Muellerm, 2004).
Behavioral Problems
The YTS demonstrated that the behavioral and psychosocial consequences of abuse are as important as its physical consequences. In a control comparison, abused women were 5 times more likely than non-abused women to attempt suicide, 15 times more likely to abuse alcohol, 9 times more likely to abuse drugs, 6 times more likely to report fear of child abuse, and 3 times more likely to be diagnosed as depressed or psychotic (Stark & Flitcraft, 1996). Indeed, one abused patient in five attempted suicide at least once, and many made multiple attempts, often on the same day or in close proximity to a hospital visit related to abuse and with the medicine they had been prescribed at their visit. An analysis of 16 published longitudinal studies involving more than 36,000 participants found that intimate partner violence increased the likelihood of suicide attempts as well as doubled depression among women (Devries et al., 2013). Binge drinking is also associated with victimization. A large California survey found that more than half of the victims subjected to recent violence reported engaging in binge drinking during the prior year, significantly higher rates than non-victims (Zahnd, 2011).
So common were secondary problems among abused women in the YTS that battering emerged as the major overall cause or context for female suicide attempts, child abuse, and alcohol abuse (Stark & Flitcraft, 1996). Importantly, with the exception of alcohol abuse, the incidence of these problems among battered women only became disproportionate against the background of ongoing abuse, indicating that battering rather than a preexisting vulnerability or addiction was their context, if not always their proximate cause. Battered women are also at sharply elevated risk for homelessness (Browne & Bassuk, 1997; Muelleman, Lenaghan, & Pakesier, 1998; Stark & Flitcraft, 1996). Once abused women develop these problems, they became more vulnerable to further coercion and control.
Mental Health Problems
Adapting to and surviving within abusive relationships can exact significant mental health costs. Research has failed to identify a particular problem or personality profile that makes certain women “violence prone.” However, after the onset of abuse, battered women report more symptoms and are diagnosed with psychiatric problems with greater frequency than non-abused women (Nicolaidis & Touhouliotis, 2006). The CDC estimates that mental health services are provided to 26.4% of victims of partner violence. Forty-eight percent of the abused women in a large random sample said they had needed help with mental health issues in the past 12 months (Weinbaum et al., 2010).
Abuse significantly increases a woman’s risk of developing PTSD, depression, anxiety disorders, hopelessness, psychosexual dysfunction, and obsessive compulsive disorder, perhaps by as much as 500% (Dutton et al., 2006; Golding, 1999; Follingstad, Brennan, Hause, Polek, & Rutledge, 1991). One abused woman in 10 identified in the YTS suffered a psychotic break. Other common psychiatric problems presented by abused women include panic attacks, sleep disturbances, and agoraphobia (Dutton et al., 2006).
4. Explain how substance abuse may be indirectly related to domestic violence.
Substance abuse has long been known to lower inhibitions to violence and is associated with offender behavior (Anderson, 2002; Chermack, Booth, & Curran, 2006; Lipsey, Wilson, Cohen, & Derzon, 1997). In fact, many comprehensive studies demonstrated that acute intoxication preceded battering.
The timing of the use of the alcohol and drugs seems to be related closely to assault. An in-depth study of the correlates of domestic violence in the city of Memphis reported an overwhelming concurrency of substance abuse and domestic violence. This research reported that almost all offenders had used drugs or alcohol the day of the assault; two thirds had used a dangerous combination of cocaine and alcohol, and nearly half of all assailants (45%) were reported by families as using drugs, alcohol, or both daily to the point of intoxication for the past month (Brookoff, 1997, p. 1).
Another investigation found that 70% of the abusers, at the time of attack, were under the influence of drugs, alcohol, or both, with 32% using only drugs, 17% using only alcohol, and 22% using both (Roberts, 1988). A more recent study reported that male perpetrators entering domestic violence treatment were eight times more likely to have used violence against their partner after drinking (Fals-Stewart, Golden, & Schumacher, 2003).
Most researchers have reported that high numbers of domestic violence offenders use illegal drugs or consume excessive quantities of alcohol at rates far beyond those found in the general population (Coleman & Straus, 1986; Kantor & Straus, 1987; Scott, Schafer, & Greenfield, 1999; Tolman & Bennett, 1990). Alcohol and drug abuse are among the most important variables that predict female intimate violence (Kantor & Straus, 1989). In several studies that statistically controlled for several sociodemographic variables and for hostility and marital satisfaction, the relationship of alcohol to violence remained highly significant (Johnson, 2001; Kaufman Kantor & Straus, 1990; Leonard, 1993; Tolman & Bennett, 1990).
The age at which an individual begins abusing substances is highly correlated with the risk of violent behavior, and the probability of a drug or alcohol arrest declines as individuals age. In fact, an arrest for drug or alcohol abuse is an indicator that this substance abuse will persist and that there is an increased likelihood of a victim seeking a restraining order, the commission of violent crimes, and the probability of receiving a jail sentence (Wilson & Klein, 2006). The pernicious effects of substance abuse and other patterns supporting abuse are not spread equally throughout the entire population. For a variety of reasons, African American, Latino, and Native American populations have been found to be at increased risk for heavy drinking, dramatically increasing the risks of domestic violence (Bachman, 1992a, 1992b; Hampton, 1987; Kaufman Kantor, 1996; West, 1998). For example, one study reported that Latinas with partners who were binge drinkers were 10 times more likely to be assaulted than those with low-to-moderate drinking partners (Kaufman Kantor & Straus, 1990). 5. Explain how social status can affect who the victim reports to concerning the violent incident. How can class differences be explained based on bystander screening?
There might be a different economic profile of reporting compared with nonreporting victims. It has long been theorized that social factors cause a far greater percentage of unreported violent crimes among intimates to exist among the middle and upper classes. For this reason, the police disproportionately saw domestic violence in lower socioeconomic groups. Although the extent of underreporting has reduced markedly over time, studies have reported that poor women were more than twice as likely to report abuse to the police as their higher-income counterparts (Bowker, 1982; Hamberger & Hastings, 1993).
Researchers have advanced many explanations for past nonreporting by the middle and upper classes. Black (1976, 1980) more fully attributed this to the then prevalent model of a single-income family resulting in the economic dependency of middle-class women. Black (1980) stated this succinctly:
[A m]iddle class white woman is more likely than a lower class black woman to live in a condition of dependency. . . . She is more likely to live on the earnings of her husband, in a dwelling financed by him . . . “a housewife.” . . . Such a woman is not readily able to leave her situation one day and replace it with an equivalent the next. . . . Frederick Engels long ago pointed to the relationship between “male supremacy” and the control of wealth by men: “In the great majority of cases today, at least in the possessing classes, the husband is obliged to earn a living and support his family, and that in itself gives him a position of supremacy without any need for special legal titles and privileges. Within the family he is the bourgeois, and the wife represents the proletariat (1884, p. 137).” (Black, 1980, p. 125)
As a result of victim screening, calls from nonparticipants including neighbors, friends, relatives, and bystanders have become one of the primary methods by which social agencies are made aware of domestic violence. Such calls might, however, provide their own differential screening. They are not necessarily motivated by the seriousness of the assault but by the disruption to the reporter’s activities as a result of noise or property damage, morbid curiosity about the incident, to see how the police would react, or because, as relatives of the victim, they really care.
Bystanders also implicitly screen cases by ethnic group and class and might explicitly screen them on the basis of marital status, often implicitly allowing married couples to settle such issues privately regardless of overheard violence. When outsiders observe disputes, these couples often become known as the neighborhood “problem family” and the disputes as a simple “family disturbance” or as an expected neighborhood occurrence. Such incidents were far less likely to elicit calls to the police than those perceived to be threats to the public order. In contrast, cases involving girlfriends and boyfriends or former cohabitants more likely involve incidents outside a residence that are more likely to be observed and reported than those involving married or currently cohabiting adults. The significance of witnesses and bystanders in reporting acts of domestic assault also might increase the conception of the problem as being almost exclusively found among the lower socioeconomic classes. Because of urban congestion in poor neighborhoods, such cases are more visible to neighbors, are more likely to receive attention, and therefore might be the source of a subsequent call to the police.
1
Please re
–
phrase the whole
paper
1
.
Explain several of the conventional aspects that have assisted the domestic
violence revolution?
By most
con
ventional
standards, the domestic violence revolution has been an unqualified
success. This is true whether we look at the amount of
public money directed at the problem, the
degree to which politicians across a broad spectrum have embraced its core imagery of male
violence and female victimization, the vast knowledge base that has accumulated about abuse, or
the degree to which law and
criminal justice (and, to a lesser extent, health and child welfare)
have moved the heretofore low
–
status crime of domestic violence to the top of their agenda.
Indeed, it would be hard to find another criminal activity in these last decades that has
comm
anded anything like the resources or manpower that have flowed to law enforcement on
behalf of abuse victims.
Please add some external research into this paragraph.
2.
Discuss how gender
–
neutral approaches to intimate partner violence explain the
seeming
ly disparate levels of IPV between males and females.
The majority of researchers believe that female
–
initiated violence poses less of a problem
to society than male
–
on
–
female violence. As discussed, their rates of violence are
somewhat lower, and when violence is used by women it is often instrumental rather
than
for purposes of control. Furthermore, they unequivocally account for far less severe
injuries to their victims than heterosexual men. Therefore, although our legal system
supports a definition of intimate partner violence that is gender neutral, wome
n are
clearly at a disproportionate amount of risk for serious victimization. Their risks for
intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and stalking simply are greater than for men.
They also are at greater risk for multiple types of victimization as well
as for recurrent
violent victimization within relationships.
Belknap and Melton believed that “common
couple violence” as reported by
gender
–
neutral
theorists is only occasionally correct. They will
acknowledge that in some cases, each family member may u
se occasional outbursts of abuse, but
this phenomenon is qualitatively different from patriarchal terrorism, in which a man uses much
more serious violence to maintain control. Therefore, what they consider problematic behavior is
limited to cases of patri
archal terrorism rather than to use of violence in general.
3.
Discuss the medical and mental health impact of domestic violence on victims.
Battered women have an overall rate of physical health problems that is 60% higher than the rate
for non
–
abused
women (Campbell, 2002). Between 14% and 20% of these general medical
problems are clearly related to assault or prior injury. These presentations include headaches
from head trauma; dysphagia from being strangled; traumatic brain injury; joint, abdominal,
or
1
Please re-phrase the whole paper
1. Explain several of the conventional aspects that have assisted the domestic
violence revolution?
By most conventional standards, the domestic violence revolution has been an unqualified
success. This is true whether we look at the amount of public money directed at the problem, the
degree to which politicians across a broad spectrum have embraced its core imagery of male
violence and female victimization, the vast knowledge base that has accumulated about abuse, or
the degree to which law and criminal justice (and, to a lesser extent, health and child welfare)
have moved the heretofore low-status crime of domestic violence to the top of their agenda.
Indeed, it would be hard to find another criminal activity in these last decades that has
commanded anything like the resources or manpower that have flowed to law enforcement on
behalf of abuse victims. Please add some external research into this paragraph.
2. Discuss how gender-neutral approaches to intimate partner violence explain the
seemingly disparate levels of IPV between males and females.
The majority of researchers believe that female-initiated violence poses less of a problem
to society than male-on-female violence. As discussed, their rates of violence are
somewhat lower, and when violence is used by women it is often instrumental rather than
for purposes of control. Furthermore, they unequivocally account for far less severe
injuries to their victims than heterosexual men. Therefore, although our legal system
supports a definition of intimate partner violence that is gender neutral, women are
clearly at a disproportionate amount of risk for serious victimization. Their risks for
intimate partner violence, sexual assault, and stalking simply are greater than for men.
They also are at greater risk for multiple types of victimization as well as for recurrent
violent victimization within relationships. Belknap and Melton believed that “common
couple violence” as reported by gender-neutral theorists is only occasionally correct. They will
acknowledge that in some cases, each family member may use occasional outbursts of abuse, but
this phenomenon is qualitatively different from patriarchal terrorism, in which a man uses much
more serious violence to maintain control. Therefore, what they consider problematic behavior is
limited to cases of patriarchal terrorism rather than to use of violence in general.
3. Discuss the medical and mental health impact of domestic violence on victims.
Battered women have an overall rate of physical health problems that is 60% higher than the rate
for non-abused women (Campbell, 2002). Between 14% and 20% of these general medical
problems are clearly related to assault or prior injury. These presentations include headaches
from head trauma; dysphagia from being strangled; traumatic brain injury; joint, abdominal, or
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