Task 1

Quantitative Annotated Bibliography

In this week’s discussion question you were asked to consider a potential problem (appropriate to your role option) that you would like to investigate through nursing research. For this assignment you will review current research from South’s Online Library and provide a critical evaluation on that research through an annotated bibliography. An annotated bibliography is a brief summary and analysis of the journal article reviewed. For more information on annotated bibliographies please visit Purdue’s OWL: Purdue Online Writing Lab

A total of two annotated bibliographies are to be submitted (not to exceed one page each). The articles must come from nursing scholarly literature and may not be older than 5 years since publication. Please note that the articles must be research based and reflect a quantitative methodology (review our reading assignments). Web pages, magazines, textbooks, and other books are not acceptable.

Each annotation must address the following critical elements:

Explanation of the main purpose and scope of the cited work

Brief description of the research conducted

Value and significance of the work (e.g., study’s findings, scope of the research project) as a contribution to the subject under consideration

Possible shortcomings or bias in the work

Conclusions or observations reached by the author

Summary as to why this research lends evidence to support the potential problem identified specific to your role option.

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A Comparison of Young Women’s Psychosocial Status Based on Age of Their First Childbirth

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A Comparison of Young Women’s Psychosocial Status Based on

Age of Their First Childbirth

This 12-year longitudinal study examined the psychological status; social relationships; and home, work, and parenting stress and satisfaction in their young adulthood for a sample of rural women who were teen mothers compared to their cohort who had their first child in their twenties. Differences in de- pression, loneliness, and self-esteem were explained by prior psychological status as teens. Home stress/satisfaction factors and parenting satisfaction and efficacy were also similar after controlling for number of children. Service providers need to understand psychosocial outcomes of first childbirth in order to more effectively meet the physical and mental health needs of all young mothers. Key words: psychosocial outcomes, rural, teen mothers

Judith R. Vicary, PhD Professor of Biobehavioral Health College of Health and Human

Development Penn State University University Park, Pennsylvania

Devon A. Corneal, MS Law Student Seton Hall University School of Law Newark, New Jersey

D ISCUSSIONS OF THE conse-quences of adolescent childbearing have long centered on the negative eco- nomic and educational outcomes associ- ated with early childbearing. These are important and serious outcomes; for ex- ample, there is considerable evidence that early childbearing is associated with lower educational and occupational attainment, increased risk of poverty and welfare dependence, larger family size, and in- creased risk of marital instability.1,2 Less is known, however, about the long-term psychosocial consequences of adolescent childbearing. Even less is known about these issues in rural populations. How adolescent mothers compare with later mothers in terms of psychological sta- tus, social integration, occupational stress and satisfaction, home stress and satis- faction, and parenting satisfaction and efficacy is much less clear. This study was designed to explore how the tim- ing of first childbirth affects these do- mains of psychosocial functioning for a

Fam Community Health 2001;24(2):73–84 c© 2001 Aspen Publishers, Inc.

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sample of rural women who were on- going participants in a 14-year longitu- dinal study of adolescence and young adulthood.

While educational and occupational deficits for adolescent mothers when compared to later mothers are not the fo- cus of this report, the existence of these deficits serves to illustrate some possible and well documented negative outcomes of adolescent childbearing. Low educa- tional attainment of adolescent mothers has been repeatedly noted.3–9 Specifi- cally, Klepinger and colleagues10 indi- cate that early childbearing reduced the educational attainment of young White, Black, and Hispanic women by 1–3 years. Wertheimer and Moore9 point out that reduced educational attainment may occur because younger parents are less able or motivated to continue schooling or because the burdens of childbearing and childrearing make pursuing further education too difficult.

Because education appears to be a key link between early childbearing and later life events,5 lower educational attainment is a serious handicap for adolescent moth- ers, most clearly in the development of their careers. Roosa8 found that delayed childbearers were more likely to be work- ing outside the home prior to and after childbirth, and had higher levels of edu- cation and higher paying and more pres- tigious jobs than did younger mothers. Teenage parents’ incomes also tend to be lower than those earned by other fam- ilies largely because of these educational deficits and the subsequent inability to ob- tain decent jobs, as well as the fact that adolescent mothers are also more likely to be single parents.3

Other research suggests that adoles- cent mothers are more likely to be wel- fare recipients, and report being less optimistic and less hopeful about the future than are their nonparenting ado- lescent peers, and may also have low- ered life expectations brought about by early parenthood.11 Additional studies in- dicate that when controlling for race, age, and urban/rural status, substantial dif- ferences between teen and older moth- ers in nearly all indicators of socioe- conomic status (SES) in later life are found, with teen childbearing related to long-term SES disadvantages for moth- ers and their children.12 Many programs have been developed, in fact, to address such needs, to improve life options out- comes, and prevent subsequent sexual activity/pregnancy.13

It is thus clear that educational and occupational differences between adoles- cent mothers and those who delay child- bearing are well established, both in the recent past, and presently. However, dif- ferences in psychosocial domains are less clear. A reasonable hypothesis, given the wide range of evidence illustrating nega- tive consequences of teen motherhood, would be that early childbearers would suffer similar deficits in psychosocial do- mains. Yet, while a few studies have looked at psychosocial adjustment in pregnant and parenting adolescents,13–16

existing research has rarely been longi- tudinal so this hypothesis has not been well tested. The study reported here ex- amines adolescent mothers as they transi- tion to and navigate through young adult- hood in order to determine if deficits in psychosocial functioning are present, emerge and/or continue. This follow-up

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is vital in order to understand the nature and consequences of timing of first preg- nancy. Understanding problems such as poor individual psychological adjustment in pregnant teens, as found by Thomas et al.,17 is limited by a lack of follow-up to determine if poor adjustment contin- ues into young adulthood, or if it existed prior to the teen pregnancy.

To investigate the long-term psychoso- cial consequences of the timing of first childbirth, five domains were examined in this study:

1. individual psychological status; 2. social integration and quality of key

social relationships; 3. occupational stress and satisfaction; 4. home stress and satisfaction; and 5. parenting satisfaction and efficacy. Data from a longitudinal study of ado-

lescence, and continuing through young adulthood, were used.

METHODS

Sample

Data for this research are drawn from two studies. The first, the Rural Ado- lescent Development Study (RAD), was a 5-year prospective longitudinal study of the antecedents of rural adolescent health and development starting in 1985. The second study was a young adult follow-up of participants from the RAD Project, begun in 1997. The follow-up, the Evaluation of Rural Outcomes of Sex- uality (EROS), by adding an additional wave of data collection in young adult- hood (1997), made it possible to examine a sample of rural females longitudinally from junior high school and continuing

through their mid-twenties approximately 12 years later (n = 177). The commu- nity in which the subjects initially resided was a Northern Appalachian, rural dis- advantaged community, relying primar- ily on extracting and related industries, e.g., mining, lumbering. At the beginning of the study the area was experiencing a high unemployment rate with average household income, according to census data, of $14,500, and an unemployment rate above 12%. Many businesses also closed as a result of the economic turn- down of the 1980s.

At the beginning of the RAD study the entire junior high school student popu- lation was surveyed, with parental and administrative permission and approval, on a wide range of developmental and health variables. Follow-up data collec- tions included extensive subject tracking, surveys, and interviews to obtain maxi- mum participation, over 76% for female subjects.

The sample for this particular study, selected from the larger EROS sample, was comprised of the 98 women who had given birth to at least one child by the time of their interview for the follow-up study. To compare women based on their age at the birth of their first child, three groups were created. The first group (teen, n = 26) were mothers who had their first child at or before the age of 18. The second group (mid, n = 49) were mothers who had their first child between the ages of 19 and 22, while the final group (later, n= 23) delayed childbearing until the age of 23 or later. These cut-offs were chosen to try to capture different developmental periods. For example, the teenage years up to age 18 are, for most adolescents,

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the high school years. During this period the majority of adolescents are involved in school, most are still living at home, and those who work do so part-time. It may be that childbearing at this time is so non-normative as to have serious, long- term consequences. The years between 19 and 22, for the majority of adoles- cents, capture either the initial move into full-time work or a transition to postsec- ondary education. By age 22, childbear- ing is less likely to interfere with school- ing and/or vocational advancement. After that, childbearing is more likely to be normative, planned and, potentially, less disruptive.

The average age of the mothers in this sample was 24.87 years, with the ma- jority married at the time of the EROS data collection. Nearly half of the moth- ers had only one child. One mother gave

Table 1. Demographic characteristics of teen, mid, and later mothers

Entire sample Teen Mid Later (n = 98) (n = 26) (n = 49) (n = 23)

Age 24.9 24.8 24.7 25.3 % married 66% 69% 59% 83% Number of children

1 child 49% 23% 41% 96% 2 children 23% 50% 57% 4% 3 children 8% 27% 2%

Avg. education completed1 2 3 2 4 % currently employed 62% 58% 63% 65% Avg. # hours working/wk 36.7 36 36.4 37.7 Avg. job prestige2 38.18 30.72 38.79 44.39 Avg. household income $20,000– $15,000– $20,000– $25,000–

24,999 19,999 24,999 29,000

12 = technical school; 3 = high school grad; 4 = some college. 2Higher scores indicate higher job prestige; i.e., NORC code of 36.08 = Beautician.

birth at 13, one at 14, two at 15, six at 16, seven at 17, nine at 18, eleven at 19, sixteen at 20, seventeen at 21, five at 22, eight at 23, eleven at 24, and three at 25. Of the 61 women who were currently working for pay, 15 were in the teen group, 31 in the mid group, and 15 in the later group. Employed moth- ers worked an average of 37 hours/week. The average household income for the entire sample ranged between $20,000– $24,999/year (Table 1).

Procedure

The study reported here was part of a larger longitudinal study begun in 1985, which examined developmental issues for a sample of rural youth during adoles- cence and young adulthood. Three co- horts of students from one school district

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were followed for 12 years, beginning when they were in junior high school. They were surveyed annually throughout their school years, then periodic surveys and interviews occurred in the post-high school years, for a total of eight waves of data. All participants were Caucasian, representing the population of this north- ern Appalachian community.

Women from the original RAD data set were tracked, then initially contacted by letter, and subsequently by phone to schedule a phone interview. When potential subjects were contacted, less than 5 percent refused to participate. These women have been consistently responsive when contacted, and made great efforts to return their surveys in a timely fashion. While self-report data may reflect some subject bias, interview data were able to further validate survey responses.

Following the completion of the one to two hour phone interviews the women were then sent a survey, which provided an opportunity for more sensitive infor- mation to be collected. The survey took approximately one hour to complete. Participants were paid $100 on the com- pletion of these two procedures. Data for this study reflected self-report survey data.

Measures

Demographic characteristics

The demographic questionnaire gath- ered background data on the respondents and their families (e.g., parents’ marital status, educational attainment, employ- ment, and occupational prestige; family size and structure).

Self-esteem

The 10-item Rosenberg Self-Esteem Inventory assessed self-esteem,18 and was coded such that a high score re- flects high self-esteem. This scale has been significantly correlated with other scales assessing mood and disposition, suggesting it has adequate construct valid- ity. Cronbach’s alpha was .86 for grade nine females and .91 for the young adult women.

Self-image Questionnaire for Young Adults (SIQYA)

Three subscales, emotional tone (11 items measuring negative effect), peer relationships (10 items measuring peer relationships in adolescence), and family relationships (17 items measuring family relationships in adolescence), from the Self-image Questionnaire for Young Adults (SIQYA)19 were used to assess psy- chosocial functioning. Cronbach’s alphas for the adolescent study were .75 (emo- tional tone); .75 (peer relationships); and .83 (family relationships).

Activity involvement

Questions regarding the respondents’ level of involvement in both religious and secular organizations and activities were asked in the interview. Participants were asked, for example, whether they be- longed to a church and how often they attended, as well as the number, if any, of nonreligious teams, clubs, or organiza- tions to which they belonged.

Conflict

Relationship conflict was assessed with an 11-item measure developed for the

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RYATS study. The measure factors into three subscales assessing verbal conflict (e.g., “I yell”), positive conflict/reasoning (e.g., “We talk things over calmly”), and physical conflict (e.g., “My partner slaps or hits me”). In the present study, Cron- bach’s alpha was .74 for verbal conflict, .81 for reasoning/positive conflict, and .64 for physical conflict.

Depressive symptoms

The six-item Depression Inventory20

was used to assess depressive symptoms over the past year. Cronbach’s alpha for this study was .76.

Home stress and satisfaction

The Home Stress and Satisfaction Indexes21 were adapted to examine cur- rent home life and related characteris- tics. The adapted instrument asks respon- dents to rate both their current levels of satisfaction (8 items) and stress (8 items) related to specific aspects of their daily lives including money, household respon- sibilities, and balancing home and job. Cronbach’s alphas for this study were .77 and .78 for home satisfaction and home stress, respectively.

Loneliness

Loneliness was assessed using the UCLA Loneliness Scale22 which was created to reflect the discrepancy be- tween desired and achieved levels of social contact. The original 20-item scale was adapted to a 9-item mea- sure with a 4-point response scale (1 = Never to 4 = Often). Cronbach’s al- pha for the present study was .73.

Loneliness was assessed using the UCLA Loneliness Scale22

which was created to reflect the discrepancy between desired and achieved levels of social contact.

Managing disagreements

The eight-item Managing Disagree- ments Scale was taken directly from Kurdek’s23 1994 Ineffective Arguing In- ventory, which was developed to as- sess how couples handle conflicts. The Cronbach’s alpha for the present study was .88.

Occupational satisfaction and stress

Current occupational satisfaction and perceived stress were assessed using the Mansfield et al.21 measure of domain- specific stress and satisfaction. Respon- dents were asked to rate their current lev- els of satisfaction and stress related to 16 facets of their jobs on two subscales which measure the interpersonal/affective and structural aspects of one’s job. Cron- bach’s alphas were .84 (interpersonal sat- isfaction), .70 (structural satisfaction), .85 (interpersonal stress), and .70 (structural stress) for the present study.

Parental efficacy

Parental locus of control was measured with the Parental Efficacy Subscale of the Parental Locus of Control Measure,24 as- sessing the respondents’ feelings about being a competent and effective parent. Cronbach’s alpha for the present study was .67.

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Parenting satisfaction

Satisfaction with the parent-child re- lationship was assessed with the 4-item Relationship Satisfaction Scale,25 mea- suring respondents’ feelings of general parenting satisfaction. The alpha coeffi- cient for the present study was .72.

Relationship control

Relationship control (i.e., how much control one partner has over the other) was assessed with Stets’26 10-item mea- sure. Respondents were also asked to in- dicate how much their partner controlled them (his control). Items were adapted to indicate partner’s control (e.g., “I make him do what I want” was changed to “He makes me do what he wants”). Cron- bach’s alpha for this study was .84 and .88 for “her control” and “his control,” respectively.

Relationship questionnaire

Braiker and Kelly’s Relationship Questionnaire27 was used to assess the quality of romantic relationships. For this study, 16 items were adapted from two of the subscales (love, conflict-negativity); Cronbach’s alphas for this study were .90 and .81 for the love and conflict subscales, respectively.

RESULTS

Analyses

Dummy codes were created in order to compare the psychosocial outcomes of each group in regression equations, that is, dummy codes were created such that teen and mid mothers were compared

to later mothers. Ordinary Least Squares Regression was used to enter the dummy codes as initial predictors of psychosocial outcomes. When either dummy variable was found to be a significant predictor, appropriate covariates such as prior psy- chological characteristics and number of children were entered into the equation.

Individual psychological status

In the first domain, individual psycho- logical status, only one statistically signif- icant difference emerged: mothers in the mid group were more likely than women in the later group to feel alone (ß = −.24, p < .05). This difference remained even when number of children was included in the equation. However, when emotional tone and peer relationships in the 9th grade were included in the equation, mid women were no more likely to feel alone than later mothers (ß = −.07, p < .58). Relationship status (whether the mother was in a romantic relationship or not) and previous family relationships were also not predictors of loneliness.

Regression analyses on other aspects of psychological status revealed no sta- tistically significant differences between the groups. Specifically, teen mothers were no more likely to be depressed or lonely, or to have low self-esteem than later mothers, although a statistical trend emerged for emotional tone, that is, teen mothers had lower emotional tone than later mothers (ß = −40, p < .06). This trend remained even when num- ber of children were included in the equation. However, once emotional tone prior to childbirth was included in the re- gression equation, this trend disappeared

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(ß = −.13, p < .50). (For all but two of the mothers, emotional tone in the 9th grade was used as a covariate. However, two teen women had their babies before the 9th grade, and for these two women their emotional tone from the prior wave of data was used.)

Social relationships

In the second domain, quality of key social relationships, only one statisti- cally significant difference emerged: teen mothers were less likely to feel that they had someone to confide in when they were having problems than did later mothers (ß = −.63, p < .01). This difference remained significant re- gardless of the number of people they felt they could go to for help, previ- ous peer relationships (in 9th grade) (ß = −.62, p< .02), number of children (ß = −.65, p < .03), and previous psy- chological characteristics (emotional tone in 9th grade) (ß = −.55, p< .05). Teen and mid mothers were no different from later mothers in their perceptions of their romantic relationships (relationship love and conflict), how they managed disagreements in their romantic relation- ships, how much control they and their partners exerted in their relationships or how conflict was dealt with in their re- lationship. These groups were also simi- lar in the satisfaction they felt about the social support they received. In terms of social integration, teen mothers did not attend church more often than the other two groups, but were more likely to participate in other church activities (other than worship services) than were later mothers (ß = 1.04, p < .02). This

may reflect activities related to their chil- dren, who are generally older than chil- dren of later mothers. The groups did not differ in terms of the number of extracur- ricular groups in which they participated.

Home stress and satisfaction

Regression analyses showed no group differences in either home stress or satisfaction.

Job stress and satisfaction

There were also no group differ- ences in job stress, but results did show that teen mothers were less satisfied with both the interpersonal/affective and structural aspects of their jobs than were later mothers (ß = −.92, p < .05; ß = −1.22, p < .01 for interpersonal and structural aspects, respectively). The dif- ference remained significant even when job prestige (ß = −.90, p < .05; ß = −.96, p < .05 for interpersonal and structural, respectively) and job environ- ment (ß = −1.18, p < .01; ß = −1.13, p < .01 for interpersonal and affective, respectively) were included in the equa- tions. The difference in interpersonal as- pects was eliminated when number of children was added into the equation (ß = .79, p < .12) but number of children was not itself a significant predictor of job satisfaction.

Parenting satisfaction and efficacy

In the fifth domain, parenting satisfac- tion and efficacy, the initial picture that emerged was that teen mothers were less satisfied with being parents and felt less efficacious than later mothers (ß = −.21, p< .05; ß = −.33, p< .05, for satisfac- tion and efficacy, respectively). There

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were no differences between mid and later mothers. However, the difference between teen and later mothers disap- peared when the number of children was included in the regression equation (ß = −.13, p < .29; ß = −.23, p < .20, for satisfaction and efficacy, respectively). Teen mothers, on average, have two chil- dren while later mothers have only one.

Overall, results comparing young adult psychosocial status of women, based on the age of their first childbirth, present an unexpectedly positive picture for adoles- cent mothers. Few current psychosocial differences exist between those women who gave birth to their first child in ado- lescence and women from the study who gave birth in young adulthood (after 23). Such differences that do exist appear to reflect status prior to their pregnancy rather than as a result of this timing.

DISCUSSION

A great deal has been written about the educational,3 vocational,3,8 and finan- cial outcomes11 of teen pregnancy, usu- ally comparing early versus later moth- ers. Such research usually shows a bleak picture for the young women. How- ever, very little is known about the long- term psychosocial outcomes of adoles- cent childbearing. The results presented here suggest that the consequences of

However, very little is known about the long-term psychosocial outcomes of adolescent childbearing.

teenage childbearing are complex and reflect not only the timing of childbirth but also the characteristics of mothers prior to their pregnancies. In other words, teenage childbearing does not necessar- ily incur long-term negative psychosocial outcomes for all young women. The psy- chosocial status of young mothers from the rural community in this study, in fact, appears not much different from that of later childbearers, at least through their early to mid-twenties.

More specifically, these results support the argument that, in their early young adulthood, women who gave birth as teenagers are not different in terms of psychological health than women who delay childbearing. Where differences do exist, such as greater loneliness for those who were adolescent mothers, psycho- logical status prior to pregnancy explains the deficits. This finding is important as it suggests that it is not teen mother- hood itself which necessarily has negative psychological consequences for women, but rather individual characteristics, in place before first childbirth, which affect women’s later psychological well-being. Teen motherhood also does not appear to exacerbate or ameliorate these prior differences, at least through the early to mid-twenties. Thus, it appears not to be the status of being a teen mother but rather personal characteristics and situa- tions, in place prior to childbirth, which are related to later poorer psychological health.

It would not be unreasonable, how- ever, still to expect adolescent child- bearing to have negative long-term consequences above and beyond previ- ously existing differences, given research

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on the timing of the transition from ado- lescence to adult roles and its implica- tions for adult role functioning and suc- cess. Typically, there is a culturally shared expectation concerning the appropriate timing and sequence of developmental events and role transitions.28,29 Role tran- sitions, such as becoming a mother, that are “off-time” may have negative conse- quences for young girls because they are seen by themselves and others as being socially deviant, and because opportuni- ties and services are likely to be organized around society’s normative timetable and may be less accessible to those who devi- ate in timing or sequence. Early role entry may place the individual at particular risk in that normal developmental processes are truncated and the young person may be immature and ill-prepared to meet the challenges of the new role.30 In line with this perspective, research indicates that early transitions to work and marriage can have negative impacts on various aspects of well-being, even when other background factors are controlled.29 Sim- ilarly, the timing of first childbirth may affect the timing of other adult role tran- sitions as well as an individual’s compe- tence in handling them.

This work suggests that even if a young girl’s entry into motherhood is “off-time” or “early,” she is not likely to suffer certain negative consequences such as lower self-esteem, depression, or a va- riety of other psychosocial problems. If early childbirth is normative in a com- munity, that fact may in part explain an absence of differences between ado- lescent and later mothers. There is lim- ited research on rural youth in general. More specifically; although rural youth

represent approximately one-quarter of American adolescents, they have usually been neglected in research on teenage and young adult health and well being.31

Further, there are few studies of sexu- ality and pregnancy among rural youth as compared to those on urban or sub- urban youth. While teen pregnancy is not confined to urban areas (20% of teen births occur among rural teens32) the antecedents and consequences of rural adolescent pregnancy are far less studied and understood. There may be unique perspectives on, and acceptance of, early childbearing in rural commu- nities that affect the relationship be- tween timing of first childbirth and psy- chosocial outcomes. This could account for the lack of psychosocial differences found here. It is clearly an area de- serving of further research and closer study.

The lack of differences between adoles- cent mothers and later mothers extends to the realm of personal relationships. The quality of romantic relationships, in- cluding relationship love and conflict, was not different for the three groups of moth- ers, nor was their satisfaction with the social support in their lives. The qual- ity of home life, as measured by both stress and satisfaction, was also not dif- ferent, adding to a picture of a positive family situation. The one difference was parenting satisfaction and efficacy, with teen mothers’ reporting feeling less sat- isfied and efficacious, although this dis- appeared when number of children was included in the analyses. Mothers who started having children earlier had on av- erage one more child. It certainly makes sense that women with more children

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have more demands placed on their time and they may find juggling the needs of multiple children more difficult. These women may feel less capable and satisfied with their ability to meet these multiple expectations and challenges, accounting for the differences in quality of parenting satisfaction and efficacy.

Interestingly, at the workplace there were no differences found in job stress, even though younger mothers were more likely to have lower prestige jobs, reflect- ing their lower educational attainment. However, the teen mothers were less sat- isfied with interpersonal and affective di- mensions of their employment, a differ- ence that disappeared when 9th grade emotional tone was included in the anal- yses. This suggests again that it is not the quality of their jobs which leads to dissat- isfaction, but rather their previous emo- tional characteristics which explain their lower satisfaction.

In conclusion, the results of this longi- tudinal study suggests that the psychoso- cial status differences found between teen and young adult mothers appear to be the result of earlier psychological and social qualities, factors that preceded the preg- nancy. While the study reported here re- flects outcomes for young women of the 1990s, there is no reason at this point to question whether antecedent psychoso-

cial status is not also relevant for present adolescent mothers. These most impor- tant outcome variables do not appear to reflect social norms regarding adolescent pregnancy at a point in time but instead reflect individual psychosocial status vari- ables. These findings make a contribution to our understanding of long-term conse- quences of timing of first childbirth for a sample of rural, disadvantaged white fe- males. It is important, however, to note that the sample size, 98 young women, limits the statistical power of the find- ings as well as generalizability of these results. Because these findings are coun- terintuitive to many expected outcomes, it is clear that further work is needed to track the psychosocial consequences of the timing of first childbirth in larger samples and past early adulthood to see whether the absence of differences in psy- chosocial outcomes is replicated. The in- vestigators hope to follow this sample and assess these outcomes again to fur- ther clarify patterns over time. It would be important, too, to determine whether these findings are similar for urban or suburban samples as well. However, this study can begin to suggest to health care and other service providers the needs and perspectives of young mothers, and the implications for program offerings and interventions.

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Discuss the relevance of the study to your own life and personality; highlight areas that it either particularly applies or is not relevant.

Paper Criteria

· Research reaction paper should include a summary and discussion of empirical article: A Comparison of Young Women’s Psychosocial Status Based on Age of Their First Childbirth

· 10 pages (not including a title and reference page)

· APA format (i.e., cite your reference using APA guidelines, double-space, 12-point font, 1-inch margins)

Your research reaction paper should include a summary and discussion of the research article including the following areas:

1. topic area
2. hypotheses
3. method
4. major results and findings

Finally, reaction papers should include a thoughtful commentary by the student. Specifically, not only should you provide a general summary, but you should include a critique of the research question and design, as well as a discussion of how the research relates to other theories of personality. In addition, you should include a commentary about the relationship of the research findings to your own life and personality development. Your comments, critique, and discussion should form the majority of the paper.

Use the following guidelines and section headers to organize your paper:

1. Summary (the entire summary section as described below should only take two to three pages):
2. Topic area: In one or two sentences, identify the general topic area of your paper.
3. Hypothesis: You may use the verbatim hypothesis directly from the study you are critiquing. The hypothesis is generally only a couple of sentences long.
4. Method: Provide a summary of the research method utilized in your study; this summary should be several sentences in length. Identify the type of research, the subject population, number of subjects, methods or tests used and other relevant information.
5. Results and Discussion: Summarize (in less than 10 sentences) the findings of the research study. You do not have to go into great detail, just report the conclusions drawn by the study.
6. Critique (should take approximately two to three pages):
7. This is your opportunity to critically evaluate the research study. You will want to discuss the appropriateness of the research methods utilized, the applicability of the subject population, the utility of the assessment measures, conclusions drawn, etc.
8. Basically, you are evaluating the quality of the research design and the conclusions. Your task it to demonstrate that you are a critical consumer of psychological information.
9. Relationship of the study to personality theory (approximately two to three pages):
10. Discuss the relationship of this study to theories identified in class. Often, the research study will not directly address its relationship to theory; it is your task to draw these types of conclusions.
11. Critically evaluate what the results of this study contribute to the field of personality theory.
12. Relationship of the study to your own life and personality development (approximately two pages):

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Education And Income Inequality

Prior to beginning work on the Final Paper, read Steven Strauss’ article, The Connection Between Education, Income Inequality, and Unemployment (https://www.huffingtonpost.com/steven-strauss/the-connection-between-ed_b_1066401.html). In your Final Paper, you should address the following based on the information presented in the article and other research:

· Describe how a country can measure its income inequality.

· Evaluate the effect of income inequality on the U.S. economy, such as unemployment, economic growth, and other economic factors.

· Estimate the gap between those who hold bachelor’s and higher (master or doctoral) degrees and those who do not.

· Explain reasons why the inequality gap between educated and less-educated workers has been widening.

· Evaluate whether increasing opportunities for higher education can reduce income inequality.

· Analyze what else causes U.S. income inequality to widen.

· Recommend how to reduce educationally based income inequality or other factors if you were a federal policy maker.

The Education and Income Inequality Final Paper

· Must be eight to 10 double-spaced pages in length (not including title and references pages) and formatted according to APA style

· Must include a separate title page with the following:

o Title of paper

o Student’s name

o Course name and number

o Instructor’s name

o Date submitted

· Must utilize academic voice.

· Must include an introduction and conclusion paragraph. Your introduction paragraph needs to end with a clear thesis statement that indicates the purpose of your paper.

· Must use at least three scholarly, peer-reviewed, and/or other credible sources in addition to the course text.

· Must document any information used from sources in APA style

· Must include a separate references page that is formatted according to APA style

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